Richard Moore

Date: Wed, 22 Aug 2001 16:53:34 -0400
To: •••@••.•••
From: Snezana Vitorovich <•••@••.•••>
Subject: M. Chossudovsky :NATO Invades Macedonia



Michel Chossudovsky

Professor of Economics, University of Ottawa

22 August 2001

The URL for this article is:

Some 3500 heavily armed NATO troops have entered Macedonia
with a mandate to "disarm the Albanian rebels". Whereas a
token collection and destruction of obsolete weapons is
envisaged, the evidence amply confirms that the "National
Liberation Army" has been armed, equipped and financed by
Washington.  NATO's ultimate goal is to protect rather than
disarm the terrorists, weaken and disable the Macedonian
Security Forces and install a protectorate under direct
military rule. The US-EU brokered "peace" agreement
constitutes an act of surrender and submission to the NATO


In the hours preceding the "initialing" of the Ohrid "peace"
agreement on August 8th, the terrorists renewed their
assaults leading to the death of ten Macedonian soldiers in
an ambush in Prilep. On the next day, a major KLA-NLA
military offensive directed against the Macedonian Security
forces was launched. And two days later, several hundred
troops belonging to the United Nations Kosovo Protection
Corps (KPC) stationed in Kosovo crossed the border and
attacked the Macedonian Security Forces (ARM) in the Radusha
area.1 These carefully planned military actions were also
accompanied by violent assaults directed against civilians.

In an atmosphere of public protests and renewed terrorist
assaults, the "framework peace agreement" was signed on the
13th of August, allowing  NATO to deploy troops throughout
Macedonia with a mandate to "disarm the Albanian rebels".

The Western media mantra --parroting NATO's official
statements-- concluded without further examination that the
"Albanian rebels" were attempting to stall the ratification
and implementation of the "framework document" (yet to be
approved by the Macedonian parliament), undermining "the
painstaking efforts of the international community":  "We
have unequivocally stood against all acts of violence in
Macedonia  and all breaches of the cease-fire…" said US
State Department spokesperson Richard Boucher…".2 Meanwhile,
Yugoslav President Voijislav Kostunica accused the American
and European mediators of  "having been duped by the
Albanian rebels."3

Pentagon and US State department planners (from the most
powerful nation on earth) "duped" by "Albanian rebels"?
According to the Western media, the military alliance had no
prior knowledge of these terrorist assaults launched at the
time of crucial "peace" negotiations. The enemy is
presented, as a peace "facilitor", the identity of the NATO
aggressor and its relationship to the terrorists, are not


The so-called "Albanian rebels" do not make key military
decisions on their own. Amply documented, the KLA-NLA and
its various affiliated factions constitute America's proxy
army integrated by US military advisers, trained by British
Special Forces, financed and equipped by Washington. War is
always waged in terms of carefully designed political
objectives; military operations --including covert
activities in support of "freedom fighters"-- are never
haphazard. The terrorist assaults are part of Washington's
military-intelligence agenda in Macedonia.

Senior US military advisers detached from private mercenary
companies are working with KLA-NLA commanders. NLA Commander
Gezim Ostremi, was trained by British Special Forces to head
the UN sponsored Kosovo Protection Corps (KPC).4 Confirmed
by British military sources, the task of arming and training
of the KLA had been entrusted in 1998 to the US Defence
Intelligence Agency (DIA) and Britain's Secret Intelligence
Services MI6, together with "former and serving members of
22 SAS [Britain's 22nd Special Air Services Regiment], as
well as three British and American private security
companies".5: "'The US DIA approached MI6 to arrange a
training programme for the KLA,' said a senior British
military source. `MI6 then sub-contracted the operation to
two British security companies, who in turn approached a
number of former members of the (22 SAS) regiment. Lists
were then drawn up of weapons and equipment needed by the
KLA.'  While these covert operations were continuing,
serving members of 22 SAS Regiment, mostly from the unit's D
Squadron, were first deployed in Kosovo before the beginning
of the bombing campaign in March. 6


The First and Third Parachute battalions ("1 PARA" and "3
PARA") detached to Macedonia under Operation "Essential
Harvest" have a history of active collaboration with the
KLA. The British Paras led the invasion into Kosovo in June
1999 in liaison with KLA forces.7 The evidence amply
confirms that the US and British military-intelligence
establishment has continued to support the KLA in its
terrorist operations in Macedonia:

"two of the Kosovo-based commanders leading the Albanian
push [into the Tetovo region] were  trained  by former
British SAS and  Parachute Regiment officers… [A] commander
with the nom de guerre of Bilal was organising the flow of
arms and men into Macedonia, and … veteran KLA commander
Adem Bajrami was helping to co-ordinate the assault on
Tetovo. Both were taught by British soldiers in the
secretive training camps that operated above Bajram Curri in
northern Albania during 1998 and 1999. "8

In a bitter irony, the officers of the British parachute
regiment dispatched under Operation "Essential Harvest" had
previously collaborated and forged personal ties with
KLA-NLA commanders now in charge of military operations in
Macedonia. The evidence would suggest that the British Para
battalions were sent in "to assist" rather than "'disarm"
the KLA-NLA. 9

Moreover, US military advisers --on assignment to the
KLA-NLA (through private mercenary companies)-- remain in
contact with NATO and US military and intelligence planners,
who are in turn in liaison with the US State Department.
Ultimately, Washington and London decide on the broad
direction of KLA-NLA military operations in Macedonia. What
this means is that while the Washington call for a
cease-fire a diplomatic level, it also decides when "to
breach" the cease-fire, and when to actually implement the

In other words, the so-called "breaches of the cease-fire"
--marked by a renewed wave of terrorist attacks-- during the
final stages of the US-EU sponsored "peace negotiations"--
were not decided by the "Albanian rebel" commanders without
consulting Washington.

What this means is that by allowing the "National Liberation
Army", America's proxy military force in Macedonia, to
launch a new wave of terrorist assaults at the time of
crucial negotiations, Washington had consciously and
deliberately stalled its own bogus "peace" initiative, while
precipitating the country to the brink of civil war.

NATO controls the cease-fire because NATO controls the

NATO has stated that they will only intervene and "disarm
the rebels" if there is a cease-fire. But what NATO really
wants is that the Macedonian ARM remain in the barracks
under a unilateral cease-fire, while their proxy forces
continue to make further territorial gains.

Already, the unilateral cease-fire ordered by President
Trajkovski in the wake of the Ohrid peace agreement has
enabled the KLA-NLA terrorists to take up strategic
positions in the Crna Gora mountain range near Skopje while
also reinforcing their control in the Tetovo region.10 
These NLA territorial advances at the time of crucial
negotiations are part and parcel of NATO planning.

Following the visit to Skopje of General Joseph Ralston,
NATO's supreme allied commander in Europe (20 August) the
President ordered (under a new unilateral cease-fire) the
Macedonian Security Forces to remain in the barracks. The
ARM has been instructed: "…to carry out a withdrawal of
troops as a contribution towards de-escalation in advance of
a planned NATO mission to the country… the [defence]
ministry in Skopje said warplanes and helicopters would
accordingly not be used in crisis areas and the army was to
withdraw heavy weapons from combat positions".11 In other
words, the invading army imposes a unilateral cease-fire to
facilitate the process of territorial conquest.


The command structures of the KLA, the NLA and the United
Nations sponsored Kosovo Protection Corps (KPC) overlap and
coincide. The so-called Albanian National Army (AKSh) (a
paramilitary group linked to the KLA-NLA) which claimed
responsibility for the Prelic killings was formed by members
of the United Nations KPC. These killings coincided (almost
like clockwork) with the final stages of the "peace"
negotiations at Ohrid. Everything suggests that this action
had been carefully planned in advance and was known to
Western intelligence agencies.12

Moreover, the decision to dispatch several hundred KPC
troops across the border from Kosovo in the days following
the conclusion of the Ohrid negotations, could not have been
taken without the acquiescence of NATO and UN military
personnel stationed in Kosovo.

What this means is that a UN sponsored military force (using
UN equipment and resources) has invaded a member country of
the United Nations, with the knowledge and approval of NATO
forces in Kosovo.

To say that this constitutes "a violation of the UN charter"
would be a gross understatement. In the words of 
Macedonia's Prime Minister Ljubo Georgevski in a letter to
addressed to the Secretary General of the United Nations
Kofi Annan: "I, personally, consider this an official
declaration of war by the international protectorate of
Kosovo and by the Kosovo Protection Corps (KPC), which is
unfortunately part of the UN civil administration in
Kosovo."13 While representing a dissenting political voice,
Prime Minister Georgevski, nonetheless signed the "framework
document" opening the door to the invasion of his country by
NATO troops.


The disarmament process is totally fictitious. Why would
NATO disarm its own proxy force, which has been re-equipped
in the last few months with brand new weapons "Made in

Following the signing of the framework document, NATO
announced it had agreed "with the NLA on terms and
procedures for an eventual arms turnover". In this regard,
NATO plans to replicate the token "disarmament" of the KLA
implemented in the wake of the 1999 bombing campaign in
Kosovo, where small arms and AK-47s were handed in on a
"voluntary" basis. This process was then followed by the
arming and equipping of the KLA with advanced weaponry
leading into the terrorist attacks in Southern Serbia and

The whole disarmament process is an obvious hoax. In fact,
the terms of the "disarmament" are being negotiated with the
terrorists rather than with the Macedonian authorities: "the
rebels will collect their own weapons and deposit them at
pre-arranged collection sites. NATO troops will then move
in, seal the area, pick up the guns for destruction in a
third country and leave."14 While NATO "weapons collection
teams" have been deployed, NATO has clarified that the
handing in of weapons will be entirely "voluntary": "what we
prefer from a NATO force point of view is that the
insurgents collect the weapons on our behalf…"15

But if the handing in of the weapons is "voluntary", then
why does NATO need to bring in large amounts of heavy
military equipment in British military transport planes?
There is reason to believe that one of the objectives of
Operation "Essential Harvest" is to channel arms and
supplies to the terrorists inside their territorial
enclaves, while at the same time disarming all forms of
armed resistance, including the civilian defense groups
which have developed in opposition to the terrorists and the
NATO led invasion.

While the Western media is spreading rumours that the rebels
are "armed with assault rifles and knives" 16 (Associated
Press, 20 August 2001), the evidence confirms that the US is
continuing to equip the terrorists with advanced weaponry:
"In the well-built guerrilla bunkers overlooking the
besieged city of Tetovo, there is ample evidence of U.S.
military hardware … An abundant stock of sophisticated
night-vision goggles provide the guerrillas with a
tremendous tactical advantage over the Macedonian security
forces… Snake Arifaj, a 22-year-old guerrilla platoon
commander, proudly displayed his unit's impressive arsenal
and said, 'Thanks to Uncle Sam, the Macedonians are no match
for us.'… Commander "Mouse," a 47-year-old UCK officer in
the Tetovo sector… confirmed that two US Chinook Heavy
Transport Helicopters had in fact delivered "heavy mortars
and ammunition" [in early August] to the guerrillas…
[A]mmunition supply is not a problem for the guerrillas. 'We
have all the equipment and men we need to capture Skopje in
24 hours,' said Commander "Jimmy", a 22-year-old Albanian
guerrilla who is already a veteran of Chechnya, Kosovo, and
south Serbia. "Militarily, the Macedonians are no match for
our soldiers."17 HIDDEN AGENDA

While paying lip service to the social rights of ethnic
Albanians, Washington has no interest in the process of
constitutional reform as contained in the "framework
document". Washington's objective is not to "disarm the
rebels" but to disable the Macedonian Security Forces (ARM)
and dismantle State institutions. In this regard, NATO
forces are working hand in glove with the KLA-NLA.

Moreover, once the so-called "disarmament" process has been
completed, "unarmed observers" from the Organisation for
Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the EU
Monitoring Mission (EUMM) are slated to enter "NLA enclaves
to begin confidence-building measures before the return of
Macedonian police."18


All the appearances of an "internal conflict" are retained.
The links of NATO to the terrorists are never mentioned by
the Western media. The confrontation between Macedonians and
ethnic Albanians is the cornerstone of most news stories,
logically providing a justification for a  "peacekeeping"

With a shaky framework agreement on constitutional reform
and the country on the brink of civil war, the main players
retain their full legitimacy. In the eyes of public opinion,
they are not "aggressors", they are peace-keepers
intervening on  "humanitarian ground".

While the media upholds the NLA as a liberation army
fighting for the social rights of an oppressed minority, the
process of "demonisation" of the Macedonians has commenced
with one-sided news stories relating to presumed war crimes
and alleged atrocities committed by the Macedonian police
and security forces.

Meanwhile, everything indicates that ethnic tensions have
been further heightened with the entry of NATO troops.
Terrorist gangs linked to the KLA-NLA are assaulting
Macedonian civilians as occurred in Kosovo in 1999.


Washington has pushed Macedonia to the brink of civil war
with a view to justifying a NATO led intervention "on
humanitarian grounds".

Deliberately jeopardised as a result of the terrorist
assaults and the NATO invasion, Washington is fully aware
that the "peace" agreement (including the constitutional
amendments) has little chance of becoming operational under
a "functioning democracy". In this regard, NATO has already
hinted that it "has contingency plans" if it is unable to
accomplish its mission under the framework "peace"

In the days following the signing of the framework
agreement, the International Crisis Group (ICG), a
"Non-governmental Organisation" (funded by George Soros') 
with links to US State department pointed to the need to
"changing the mandate" of the NATO led "Operation Essential
Harvest": "NATO cannot limit its mission to 30 days. It must
be prepared to do more than collect arms that are
voluntarily given to it. It must seal the border with Kosovo
and should provide the security assurance required to see
the 13 August agreement through to parliamentary
ratification and implementation. And it must be prepared to
use all necessary force to make that assurance real…
Unfortunately, despite the agreement, there is little trust
or even expectation of peace among either ethnic Albanians
or Macedonians. That puts a heavy burden on the
international community, which will need to decide… whether
the mission should have a more open-ended time frame and a
more vigorous, traditional peacekeeping role…"20 In turn,
the US media has already started to build a "justification"
for a more permanent NATO presence as a means to
guaranteeing the social rights of ethnic Albanians. An
Associate Press report, for instance, quotes: "Mustafa
Arifi, 26, sitting with his uncle in the cool shadow of the
local mosque… Not only does he want NATO troops to come, he
wants them to stay far longer than the 30 days envisioned by
the alliance. 'I know the big powers are on our side,'' he
said with certainty. 'I would love for them to be here for
20 years.''' 21

And no doubt once the NATO mandate has been redefined
--using a "humanitarian" or "peacekeeping" pretext-- the
next stage will be to extend NATO's "mission" beyond the
agreed 30 days, leading to a more permanent military
presence of NATO troops, as a stepping stone  towards the
installation of a full-fledged NATO protectorate on the
Kosovo-Bosnia model.

In this regard, it is worth recalling that
Bosnia-Herzegovina was carved up "along ethnic lines" under
the 1995 Dayton Agreement. Similarly, Under Operation
"Essential Harvest", the arrangement imposed by NATO on the
Macedonian government, is that the terrorists will remain in
the territories they occupy and NATO will ensure that
Macedonian troops will not enter rebel controlled territory.
This also means that Macedonians who were expulsed by the
terrorists will not be able to return to their homes. And
NATO has confirmed, in this regard, that it will not assist
in the return of "internally displaced persons".22

In other words, by firmly protecting the KLA-NLA in their
territorial enclaves and allowing the process of ethnic
cleansing to proceed, NATO has deliberately created
conditions which favour the partition of Macedonia, opening
the door to "the detachment" of the so-called "Albanian
regions" occupied by KLA-NLA forces and their  (possible)
annexation  to a  so-called "free  Kosovo".

Meanwhile, the Atlantic Military Alliance --while paying lip
service to the territorial integrity of the Yugoslav
federation-- is also promoting the secession of a "free
Kosovo" from Yugoslavia, which would lead to a fracture of
Yugoslavia as well as much broader conflagration in the


1, Macedonia Information Agency (MIA), Skopje, 11 August

2.  US State Department Briefing, Washington, 9 August 2001.

3.  Interview with Belgrade's Politika, quoted in the Nouvel
Observateur, Paris, 11 August 2001 at

4. UPI, 1 July 2001.

5. The Scotesman,  Glasgow, 29 August 1999.

6. Ibid.

7. See the webpage of the Parachute Regiment at

8. Sunday Times, London, 18 March 2001. See also The
Observer, London, 11 March 2001.

9. From their experience in Northern Ireland, the British
Paras have also developed techniques of dealing with
civilians going back to the 1971 "Bloody Sunday Massacre" in
Derry, Northern Ireland. In a bitter irony, General Michael
Jackson who led the Allied Forces invasion into Kosovo in
1999, was Second in Command in the "Bloody Sunday Massacre".

10. Krasnaya Zvezda, Moscow, 16 August 2001, BBC Monitoring
Service, London, 18 August 2001.

11. Deutsche Press Agentur, 20 August 2001.

12. On the origins of the AKSh, see Nedelnik Start's report 
on an intelligence document submitted to the Prime Minister
in 2000 which confirms AKSh links to the KPC, Skopje, 2 June

13. MIA, Skopje, 13 August 2001.

14. BBC, 18 August 2001.

15. See Transcript of NATO Press Conference, Skopje 15 and
17 August, at

16. Associated Press, 20 August 2001,

17. Scott Taylor, "Thanks to Uncle Sam, Macedonians are no
match for us!", 20 August 2001, at

18. Jane Defence Weekly, 15 August 2001.

19. Washington Post, 18 August.

20. See International Crisis Center (ICG)  web page at

21.  Associated Press, 18 August 2001.

22. See NATO Press Conference, Skopje, 20 August 2001, at


"The Military Occupation of Macedonia", August 2001, at

"Washington Behind Terrorist Assaults in Macedonia", Ottawa,
July 2001, at also

"America at War in Macedonia", June 2001,

"Macedonia: Washington's Military Intelligence Ploy", June

"Washington Finances Ethnic Warfare in the Balkans", Ottawa,
April 2001,

C Copyright by Michel Chossudovsky, August, 2001. All rights

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