referenced articles (included at bottom): http://www.nytimes.com/2005/11/07/international/europe/07france.html http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2005/11/05/AR2005110501515.html --- One of the themes I've been developing, with respect to neoliberalism, is the notion of "being left by the wayside". This notion arises because neoliberalism combines two aspects, which together are very alarming. The first aspect has to do with the dog-eat-dog marketplace, what some call a 'race to the bottom'. Whether you're an individual or a nation -- if you want to succeed -- you find yourself in a competitive game of "The Weakest Link". Many fail in this game, as we see with the unemployed and the homeless and the West (in the case of individuals), and with collapsed economies in the third world (in the case of whole nations). The second aspect of neoliberalism has to do with 'entitlements', or 'safety nets': they are being systematically eliminated, in a process that goes under the ironic name of 'reform'. For individuals, the relentless process of 'reform' continues to reduce government services, social welfare benefits, working condition and employment guarantees, pensions, etc. For nations, 'reform' undermines budgets with reckless tax cuts, forcing the reductions in benefits, and takes away the ability of nations to function effectively, by ever greater demands for privatization and austerity. For years in the EU there have been major waves of protests, as one group after another has seen its safety nets removed - farmers, truckers, civil servants, medical workers, pensioners, students etc. etc. In the third world the removal of safety nets has been most extreme, leading directly to mass deaths by starvation and disease. Collapsed economies and destroyed infrastructures take away the ability of governments to maintain order: with the safety net of social order removed, the result is genocidal civil wars as armed factions compete to survive. I've seen no evidence that our esteemed leaders have any intention of halting this 'reform' process. The evidence clearly indicates that safety nets generally have been targeted for extinction. In the third world, particularly Africa, we can see that process in its final stages. With Washington's various free-trade area initiatives -- NAFTA, CAFTA, FTAA etc. -- we see blatant intent to rapidly demote North American economies to third-world status. To the extent this succeeds, that then puts pressure on the EU -- if it wants to remain competitive in global markets -- to further 'reform', to match North America. With safety nets being systematically removed, and with economic success becoming ever more difficult and competitive, what is to happen to those who 'fall by the wayside', those who 'have no place' in the system? In Africa, eg. Rwanda, Zaire, The Sudan, etc., we've seen one answer to this question: mass die-offs, and wasting away in refugee camps. In the West, these riots in France -- and the response to those riots by officials and the media -- provides us with a microcosm indicator of how those 'left by the wayside' are going to be dealt with as the neoliberal assault continues. NY Times: Unemployment in the neighborhoods is double and sometimes triple the 10 percent national average, while incomes are about 40 percent lower. ...Though a majority of the youths committing the acts are Muslim, and of African or North African origin, the mayhem has yet to take on any ideological or religious overtones. Here we have a classic case of a group being left by the neoliberal wayside. Unemployment generally is increasing in Europe, and as the more advantaged people are forced to compete for crumbs, those in disadvantaged communities are increasingly left with no hope of employment or hope for improvement in their lives. Prostitution, drugs, and crime remain, as other 'career paths' disappear. The community becomes 'hostile territory' in the eyes of police: NY Times: Young people in the poor neighborhoods incubating the violence have consistently complained that police harassment is mainly to blame. "If you're treated like a dog, you react like a dog"... ...The youths have singled out the French interior minister, Nicolas Sarkozy, complaining about his zero-tolerance anticrime drive and dismissive talk. (He famously called troublemakers in the poor neighborhoods dregs, using a French slur that offended many people.) 'Dregs' sums up the situation quite nicely: those left by the wayside are 'the dregs' - the part that settles to the bottom - having no value in the neoliberal economy. And what do you do with dregs, as in your tea or coffee pot?... you dump them out, get rid of them, flush them away; they have no place in a clean kitchen. The word 'dregs' candidly captures the neoliberal attitude toward those who don't fit in. One way that these people are 'flushed away' has to do with how other people respond to their plight psychologically. In many cases, people choose to rationalize away any sympathy they might feel, typically 'by blaming the victims' for their plight, thus making them unworthy of sympathy: NY Times: The attack angered people in the neighborhood, which includes the old Jewish quarter and is still a center of Jewish life in the city. "We escaped from Romania with nothing and came here and worked our fingers to the bone and never asked for anything, never complained," said Liliane Zump, a woman in her 70's, shaking with fury on the street outside the scarred building. I must respect this sentiment, having always been blessed myself by relatively privileged opportunities. And I know that conditions in earlier times, e.g. Victorian Britain and Ireland, were far worse for the underprivileged than in today's Western ghettos. Nonetheless there's something different about the plight of today's 'dregs', and that has to do with the plight of the middle classes. When Ms. Zump escaped from Romania, the middle classes were on the rise in France, and the path of hard work could enable one to 'improve ones station' in life, to move up to the middle class. Not all succeeded, but the opportunity was there, particularly for the skilled and educated. But when the 'dregs' today look up and see their middle class brothers and sisters spiraling downward, then what hope can they have? If people are tumbling down the ladder of success, there's no room for anyone to climb up. For young people the sense of hopelessness is even greater, seeing no hopeful future for themselves: Wash. Post: Rezzoug said about 18 youths between the ages of 15 and 25 are responsible for most of the fires and attacks on police in Le Blanc-Mesnil, though he said some young men from neighboring towns have joined in the mayhem. ..."We don't have the American dream here," said Rezzoug, as he surveyed the clusters of young men. "We don't even have the French dream here." Chronic hopelessness, combined with economic deprivation, is a heavy burden to bear psychologically. Resentment and anger are natural responses to being first abandoned by the system, then blamed for your plight, and finally harassed by the authorities: NY Times: "We have 10 policemen that were hit by gunfire in Grigny, and two of them are in the hospital"... ...the violence, which has become one of the most serious challenges to governmental authority here in nearly 40 years, showed no sign of abating... Consider this situation from the perspective of 'attention'. If your situation seems hopeless, and no one is paying any attention to you, except to annoy you, then you're going to feel resentment, and you're going to feel ignored -- as individuals, and as a community. It would be entirely natural to feel a need to 'gain the attention' of the larger society: Wash. Post: Rage of French Youth Is a Fight for Recognition. Spreading Rampage in Country's Slums Is Rooted in Alienation and Abiding Government Neglect ..."It's not a political revolution or a Muslim revolution," said Rezzoug. "There's a lot of rage. Through this burning, they're saying, 'I exist, I'm here.' " Despite this latent drive to gain attention, 'dregs' communities typically do not spontaneously start riots in order to get attention. Rather we see a multi-stage process. What usually happens first is some singular outrage, such as the filming of the Rodney King beating in LA, which provides a focus for pent-up anger, igniting it into overt collective aggression against symbols of the system. Once rioting begins, it creates, among other things, a sense of community, of empowerment, of 'being heard'. This situation arises of itself, not necessarily anticipated by those who first threw stones in anger. Once it does arise -- this community empowerment aspect -- then the riots have an additional potential source of momentum, other than just pent up anger and resentment. The 'dregs' community learns, in the experience of rioting, that collective action can 'make waves'. Depending on how deep is the sense of hopelessness, and how urgent the need for improved conditions, there is a fine line between rioting and insurrection, between chaos and a genuine, homegrown, non-CIA funded, 'Colored Revolution': Wash. Post: "We want to change the government," he said, a black baseball cap pulled low over large, chocolate-brown eyes and an ebony face. "There's no way of getting their attention. The only way to communicate is by burning." NY Times: Despite help from thousands of reinforcements, the police appeared powerless to stop the mayhem. As they apply pressure in one area, the attacks slip away to another. ...Many politicians have warned that the unrest may be coalescing into an organized movement, citing Internet chatter that is urging other poor neighborhoods across France to join in. But no one has emerged to take the lead... I'm very pleased by these articles, because they lay everything out blatantly and clearly, with very apt choice of emphasis and language. 'Dregs' was a gold-star choice, a classic candid remark, well captured and translated by the reporters and editors. "No one has emerged to take the lead." I like that. It shows the mindset of the authorities, presumably found sensible as well by the Times: "The dregs need leaders (and as soon as we can identify some, we can go after them!)" In fact, an absence of leaders is a hopeful sign in any collective initiative -- provided that 'the collective' is able to advance its 'state of consciousness' by other means. The problem with leadership, as a solution to the problem of coherence, is that it creates a narrow focus, a single channel of strategy and initiative; it is a form of hierarchy. There is also the potential for abuse-of-power by those who achieve leadership positions, the possibility of incompetence or ineffectiveness at the top, and the potential vulnerability of leaders to co-option, corruption, or detainment -- by the well-funded forces of reaction. The CIA-funded Colored Revolutions are just one example of the problems of a leadership paradigm. Far better that multiple centers of initiative spring up, able to operate asynchronously, adapting to local circumstances and opportunities: "As they apply pressure in one area, the attacks slip away to another". NY Times: "The republic is completely determined to be stronger than those who want to sow violence or fear," Mr. Chirac said... We have no way of knowing whether these particular riots will evolve into some other kind of collective initiative, or whether they will soon be quelled by the authorities, never having risen above chaos. But I think it has been useful to explore this scenario, from the perspective of 'potentially hopeful collective initiatives'. The truth is that all of us are in a hopeless situation, vis a vis neoliberalism: those at the bottom are simply the first to feel it in their guts. You might pause for a moment, and imagine yourself as a 'dreg' -- if you aren't one already -- and think about where you might find hope. For that is indeed our condition. Bob Dylan said, "He not busy being born is busy dying". In our case, those who are not dregs are in the process of becoming dregs, being digested by the machine, eventually to be eliminated from the system, at least by the time old age is reached. No safety nets. My own view, is that our only hope is a collective initiative, or rather initiatives, that arise leaderless out of the grassroots, and which are able to evolve a sense of identity and coherence. Such initiatives can evolve in this way only by means of dialog among ordinary people, who have recognized that their situation within the system is hopeless, and who are collectively taking responsibility for creating new systems of social orientation, based on grassroots collective initiatives. "Internet chatter", as the Times notes, is one form of dialog, by which news and ideas can be shared with the collective generally. One way that an initiative that begins with riots can turn into something bigger is for other constituencies to rise up in sympathy -- for the collective to broaden its base. In order to minimize that possibility, the Matrix media always demonizes rioters and protestors. As Chirac puts it: "those who want to sow violence or fear". Wash. Post: French government: Interior Minister Nicolas Sarkozy, who has been considered the country's leading contender in the 2007 presidential elections. Last month, he recommended waging a "war without mercy" against criminals and other troublemakers in the poor areas. In the case of New Orleans and Katrina, we were inundated with reports of looting, shootings, and rapes by the 'dregs' -- most of which turned out to be exaggerated or fabricated -- and outside sympathy was thereby minimized (though by no means eliminated): One of the reasons I continue to spend so much time publicizing 'how bad things are' is because I believe that the path to our salvation lies through hopelessness. Until we give up, entirely, on any hope of the system ever working, or responding to our demands and activism, we will not turn to ourselves, and to one another, for creating the social forms that can replace the toxic machine. And the reason I try to unmask the Matrix is so that we can see that 'the system' is not merely dysfunctional, but is intentionally operated by intelligent people who have lots of power, who are flexible in using that power, and who want things to develop the way they are developing. They don't care what happens to the 'dregs' -- the rest of us. Once we realize that our situation is hopeless, and then realize that everyone else is in the same situation, we can see that 'we are all in this together', and begin to see that by making all of us dregs, our leaders have turned us into a majority constituency -- if only we can overcome our Matrix-encouraged divisiveness. rkm -------------------------------------------------------- http://www.nytimes.com/2005/11/07/international/europe/07france.html November 7, 2005 10 Officers Shot as Riots Worsen in French Cities By CRAIG S. SMITH PARIS, Monday, Nov. 7 - Rioters fired shotguns at the police in a working-class suburb of Paris on Sunday, wounding 10 officers as the country's fast-spreading urban unrest escalated dangerously. Just hours earlier, President Jacques Chirac called an emergency meeting of top security officials and promised increased police pressure to confront the violence. "The republic is completely determined to be stronger than those who want to sow violence or fear," Mr. Chirac said at a news conference in the courtyard of Élysée Palace after meeting with his internal security council. "The last word must be from the law." But the violence, which has become one of the most serious challenges to governmental authority here in nearly 40 years, showed no sign of abating, and Sunday was the first day that police officers had been wounded by gunfire in the unrest. More than 3,300 vehicles have been destroyed, along with dozens of public buildings and private businesses, since the violence began. "This is just the beginning," said Moussa Diallo, 22, a tall, unemployed French-African man in Clichy-sous-Bois, the working-class Parisian suburb where the violence started Oct. 27. "It's not going to end until there are two policemen dead." He was referring to the two teenage boys, one of Mauritanian origin and the other of Tunisian origin, whose accidental deaths while hiding from the police touched off the unrest, reflecting longstanding anger among many immigrant families here over joblessness and discrimination. Mr. Diallo did not say whether he had taken part in the vandalism. On Saturday night alone, the tally in the rioting reached a peak of 1,300 vehicles burned, stretching into the heart of Paris, where 35 vehicles were destroyed, and touching a dozen other cities across the country. Fires were burning in several places on Sunday night and hundreds of youths were reported to have clashed with the police in Grigny, a southern suburb of Paris where the shooting took place. On Saturday night, a car was rammed into the front of a McDonald's restaurant in the town. "We have 10 policemen that were hit by gunfire in Grigny, and two of them are in the hospital," Patrick Hamon, a national police spokesman, said Monday morning. He said one of the officers hospitalized had been hit in the neck, the other in the leg, but added that neither wound was considered life-threatening. Rampaging youths have attacked the police and property in cities as far away as Toulouse and Marseille and in the resort towns of Cannes and Nice in the south, the industrial city of Lille in the north and Strasbourg to the east. In Évreux, 60 miles west of Paris, shops, businesses, a post office and two schools were destroyed, along with at least 50 vehicles, in Saturday night's most concentrated attacks. Five police officers and three firefighters were injured in clashes with young rioters, a national police spokesman said. Despite help from thousands of reinforcements, the police appeared powerless to stop the mayhem. As they apply pressure in one area, the attacks slip away to another. On Sunday, a gaping hole exposed a charred wooden staircase of a smoke-blackened building in the historic Marais district of Paris, where a car was set ablaze the previous night. Florent Besnard, 24, said he and a friend had just turned into the quiet Rue Dupuis when they were passed by two running youths. Within seconds, a car farther up the street was engulfed in flames, its windows popping and tires exploding as the fire spread to the building and surrounding vehicles. "I think it's going to continue," said Mr. Besnard, who is unemployed. The attack angered people in the neighborhood, which includes the old Jewish quarter and is still a center of Jewish life in the city. "We escaped from Romania with nothing and came here and worked our fingers to the bone and never asked for anything, never complained," said Liliane Zump, a woman in her 70's, shaking with fury on the street outside the scarred building. While the arson is more common than in the past, it has become a feature of life in the working-class suburbs, peopled primarily by North African and West African immigrants and their French-born children. Unemployment in the neighborhoods is double and sometimes triple the 10 percent national average, while incomes are about 40 percent lower. While everyone seems to agree that the latest violence was touched off by the deaths of the teenagers last week, the unrest no longer has much to do with the incident. "It was a good excuse, but it's fun to set cars on fire," said Mohamed Hammouti, a 15-year-old boy in Clichy-sous-Bois, sitting Sunday outside the gutted remnants of a gymnasium near his home. Like many people interviewed, he denied having participated in the violence. Most people said they sensed that the escalation of the past few days had changed the rules of the game: besides the number of attacks, the level of destruction has grown sharply, with substantial businesses and public buildings going down in flames. Besides the gunfire on Sunday, residents of some high-rise apartment blocks have been throwing steel boccie balls and improvised explosives at national riot police officers patrolling below. In the Parisian suburb of Aubervilliers early Sunday, with smoke hanging in the air and a helicopter humming overhead, a helmeted police officer in a flak jacket carried a soft drink bottle gingerly away from where it had landed near him and his colleagues moments before. The bottle, half-filled with a clear liquid and nails, had failed to explode. Teenagers in neighboring Clichy-sous-Bois said they had seen young men preparing similar devices with acid and aluminum foil. "They make a huge bang," said Sofiane Belkalem, 13. The police discovered what they described as a firebomb factory in a building in Évry, south of Paris, in which about 150 bombs were being constructed, a third of them ready to use. Six minors were arrested. Many politicians have warned that the unrest may be coalescing into an organized movement, citing Internet chatter that is urging other poor neighborhoods across France to join in. But no one has emerged to take the lead like Daniel Cohn-Bendit, known as Danny the Red, did during the violent student protests that rocked the French capital in 1968. Though a majority of the youths committing the acts are Muslim, and of African or North African origin, the mayhem has yet to take on any ideological or religious overtones. Youths in the neighborhoods say second-generation Portuguese immigrants and even some children of native French have taken part. In an effort to stop the attacks and distance them from Islam, France's most influential Islamic group issued a religious edict, or fatwa, condemning the violence. "It is formally forbidden for any Muslim seeking divine grace and satisfaction to participate in any action that blindly hits private or public property or could constitute an attack on someone's life," the fatwa said, citing the Koran and the teachings of Muhammad. Young people in the poor neighborhoods incubating the violence have consistently complained that police harassment is mainly to blame. "If you're treated like a dog, you react like a dog," said Mr. Diallo of Clichy-sous-Bois, whose parents came to France from Mali decades ago. The youths have singled out the French interior minister, Nicolas Sarkozy, complaining about his zero-tolerance anticrime drive and dismissive talk. (He famously called troublemakers in the poor neighborhoods dregs, using a French slur that offended many people.) But Mr. Sarkozy has not wavered, and after suffering initial isolation within the government, with at least one minister openly criticizing him, the government has closed ranks around him. Mr. Chirac, who is under political and popular pressure to stop the violence, said Sunday that those responsible would face arrest and trial, echoing earlier vows by Mr. Sarkozy. More than 500 people have been arrested, some as young as 13. The government response is as much a test between Mr. Sarkozy and Prime Minister Dominique de Villepin, both of whom want to succeed Mr. Chirac as president, as it is a test between the government and disaffected youths. Mr. Villepin, a former foreign minister, has focused on a more diplomatic approach, consulting widely with community leaders and young second-generation immigrants to come up with a promised "action plan" that he said would address frustrations in the underprivileged neighborhoods. He has released no details of the plan. If the damage escalates and sympathy for the rioters begins to fray, Mr. Sarkozy could well emerge the politically stronger of the two. Ariane Bernard contributed reporting for this article. Copyright 2005 The New York Times Company -------------------------------------------------------- http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2005/11/05/AR2005110501515.html washingtonpost.com Rage of French Youth Is a Fight for Recognition Spreading Rampage in Country's Slums Is Rooted in Alienation and Abiding Government Neglect By Molly Moore Washington Post Foreign Service Sunday, November 6, 2005; A01 LE BLANC-MESNIL, France, Nov. 5 -- Mohammed Rezzoug, caretaker of the municipal gymnasium and soccer field, knows far more about the youths hurling firebombs and torching cars on the streets of this Paris suburb than do the police officers and French intelligence agents struggling to nail the culprits. He can identify most of the perpetrators. So can almost everyone else in the neighborhoods that have been attacked. "They're my kids," said Rezzoug, a garrulous 45-year-old with thinning black hair and skin the color of a walnut. While French politicians say the violence now circling and even entering the capital of France and spreading to towns across the country is the work of organized criminal gangs, the residents of Le Blanc-Mesnil know better. Many of the rioters grew up playing soccer on Rezzoug's field. They are the children of baggage handlers at nearby Charles de Gaulle International Airport and cleaners at the local schools. "It's not a political revolution or a Muslim revolution," said Rezzoug. "There's a lot of rage. Through this burning, they're saying, 'I exist, I'm here.' " Such a dramatic demand for recognition underscores the chasm between the fastest growing segment of France's population and the staid political hierarchy that has been inept at responding to societal shifts. The youths rampaging through France's poorest neighborhoods are the French-born children of African and Arab immigrants, the most neglected of the country's citizens. A large percentage are members of the Muslim community that accounts for about 10 percent of France's 60 million people. One of Rezzoug's "kids" -- the countless youths who use the sports facilities he oversees -- is a husky, French-born 18-year-old whose parents moved here from Ivory Coast. At 3 p.m. on Saturday, he'd just awakened and ventured back onto the streets after a night of setting cars ablaze. "We want to change the government," he said, a black baseball cap pulled low over large, chocolate-brown eyes and an ebony face. "There's no way of getting their attention. The only way to communicate is by burning." Like other youths interviewed about their involvement in the violence of the last 10 days, he spoke on the condition he not be identified for fear the police would arrest him. But he and others described the nightly rampages without fear, surrounded by groups of younger boys who listened with rapt attention. A few yards away, older residents of the neighborhood, many with gray hair, passed out notices appealing for an end to the violence. A man with wire-rimmed glasses handed one of the sheets to the black-capped youth. He accepted the paper, glanced at it and smiled respectfully at his elder. The boy then carefully folded it in half and continued the conversation about how the nightly targets are selected. "We don't plan anything," he said. "We just hit whatever we find at the moment." In Le Blanc-Mesnil, halfway between the northern edge of Paris's city limits and the country's largest airport, youths have burned a gym, a youth center and scores of cars and trucks. Residents here say the violence that began in these northern suburbs on Oct. 27 is the worst ever in these low-income neighborhoods and the most widespread social unrest in France since student riots nearly four decades ago. Rezzoug said about 18 youths between the ages of 15 and 25 are responsible for most of the fires and attacks on police in Le Blanc-Mesnil, though he said some young men from neighboring towns have joined in the mayhem. The youths said they dodge the authorities by splitting into small groups, using their cellular telephones and text messaging to alert each other to the location of police and firefighters. For the young men of Le Blanc-Mesnil and hundreds in other impoverished suburbs, one man represents all they find abhorrent in the French government: Interior Minister Nicolas Sarkozy, who has been considered the country's leading contender in the 2007 presidential elections. Last month, he recommended waging a "war without mercy" against criminals and other troublemakers in the poor areas. A week later, two Muslim teenagers from the northern suburb of Clichy-sous-Bois were electrocuted in a power substation where they were hiding from police who they believed were chasing them. French officials have said police were not pursuing the youths. Their deaths triggered the violence that quickly spread, particularly when Sarkozy called the perpetrators of the violence "scum" and "thugs." "I'm a citizen of France, but I don't count," said an athletic 28-year-old who identified himself only as Abdel. With his trim black beard and short hair gelled into shiny black wavelets, Abdel hovered on the edge of the circle surrounding the youths who admitted to their involvement in the violence. "They call us maggots," added a thin teenager hunched inside a thin polyester windbreaker that offered little protection from the damp chill of a gray fall afternoon. Beyond their hatred of Sarkozy, the youths involved in the rampages and their companions offer a disparate list of grievances against the government. Abdel, echoing the anger of many of the youths, said he resented the French government's efforts to thrust Muslim leaders into the role of mediators between the police and the violent demonstrators. "This has nothing to do with religion," he said. "But non-Muslims are afraid of people like me with a beard. I look suspicious to them. Discrimination is all around us. We live it every day. It's become a habit. It's in the air." He continued: "I grew up in France, yet I speak of God and religion. I have a double culture. I belong to both. We should stop the labeling." Rezzoug, the caretaker, said he has seen local youths struggle with deep personal conflicts caused by their dual cultures. "They go to the mosque and pray," he said. "But this is France, so they also drink and party." "They also are out to prove to their parents and brothers and uncles they can't take it any more," he said. "They're burning the places where they play, where they sit -- they're burning their own playpens." Le Blanc-Mesnil is not a community where youths aspire to spend their lives. There is none of the glamour that most of the world associates with Paris, just a 25-minute drive or train ride away. It is an industrial city of boxy apartment complexes and strip malls. In a nation where unemployment has hovered at 10 percent this year, the rates are here four to five times as high among people under 25. "We feel rejected, compared to the kids who live in better neighborhoods," said Nasim, a chunky 16-year-old with braces and acne. "Everything here is broken down and abandoned. There's no place for the little kids to go." As on most Saturday afternoons, there was little for Nasim or his friends to do. They sauntered among the older youths who spent the late afternoon hanging out on street corners or the sidewalks in front of coffee shops. Several of the older youths fingered pockets bulging with plastic packets of hashish for sale or trade. As they read local newspaper accounts of their previous night's exploits, they began discussing Saturday night's plans with more of an air of boredom than a commitment to a cause. "We don't have the American dream here," said Rezzoug, as he surveyed the clusters of young men. "We don't even have the French dream here." © 2005 The Washington Post Company -- -------------------------------------------------------- http://cyberjournal.org "Apocalypse Now and the Brave New World" http://www.cyberjournal.org/cj/rkm/Apocalypse_and_NWO.html Posting archives: http://cyberjournal.org/cj/show_archives/?date=01Jan2006&batch=25&lists=newslog Subscribe to low-traffic list: •••@••.••• ___________________________________________ In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. Section 107, this material is distributed without profit to those who have expressed a prior interest in receiving the included information for research and educational purposes.