Dear cj & rn, Last year, following publication of the `model of the world', there was a cj discussion about revolution. Several people sent in different perspectives, each thoughtful. In responding to those, I tried to synthesize a perspective that took into account the points which had been raised. There were a few rounds of iteration, culminating in the `model of revolution & democracy', below. The whole exchange was, in my view, an elegant (& unplanned) example of productive online collaboration. I would make a few significant changes in this model now, based on later learning & investigation -- in particular it is insufficiently radical re/capitalism. But it still seems pretty close to the mark. Comments invited. rkm (w/ apologies for cross-posting) ~-===================================================================-~ Date: Sat, 17 Jan 1998 From: •••@••.••• (Richard K. Moore) To: cyberjournal Subject: cj#758> rkm's model of revolution & democracy rkm's model of revolution & democracy ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ (c) 1998 by Richard K. Moore 1. Where the world is heading - the context of revolution (brief recap of "rkm's model of the world"): ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ (a) There is, today, an elite who benefit from and ultimately control the overall direction of global events and who determine the basic framework of public propaganda, namely (surprise) the _capitalist_ elite. The megacorp (TNC) is the fundamental tool of capitalist operations: the ship-of-the-line of the elite fleet. (b) Globalization is a two-level political transformation: a centralized world government is being set up, while simultaneously nation states are being aggressively undermined by a whole range of assaults from privatization to engineered currency crises to massive anti-government propaganda. National sovereignty and democracy are being replaced by global bureaucracies under direct elite control, thus officially and permanently institutionalizing absolute elite hegemony. (c) Global peace and harmony, as a scenario for world order, is perceived by the elite to be unstable and unmanageable; ongoing tension and chronic localized conflict are preferred. This is a scenario the elite knows how to manage - an ongoing version of dynamic "divide and conquer" - and it has the secondary benefit of funding a profitable arms industry. (d) Marx predicted what might happen if the elite turned off their collective brain and simply kept the laissez-faire throttle on "full speed ahead", running directly onto the the shoals of an apocalyptic collapse. The experience of the petroleum industry provides a much more likely scenario: when the shakeouts come down to a few major operators in each industry, they will cease serious competition and will instead collaboratively manage production, distribution, and pricing to their mutual benefit. (e) The prognosis for humanity is extremely bleak: nearly universal disenfranchisement; chronic conflict; social hardship and environmental decline; hi-tech surveillance and suppression; heartless bureaucratic domination and corporate exploitation under the control of an aristocratic elite. 2. Why revolution is necessary: ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ (a) The current course of global events must be changed, and must be changed radically, for humanity to avoid the dismal future toward which it is rapidly heading. It would not be enough to simply moderate the excesses of the current system: fundamentally different political and economic regimes must be established. (b) Economically, society must adopt a green-tinted paradigm, one which recognizes certain fundamental realities: the globe is finite; renewable and non-renewable resources are finite; ecosystems and biosystems are the very stuff of life, and they are fragile. Unregulated growth and technological development (eg, biotech) are not merely unwise: they are incompatible with continued human health and survival. Capitalism, even if it was appropriate to the previous era of intensive development, has now outlived its utility as a primary economic organizational paradigm: its interests have become incompatible with those of humanity as a whole. (c) The recognition of limits and the ending of capitalist hegemony does not in any way imply that economic prosperity must be sacrificed, or that society must become static, or that economic initiative must be stifled. The Earth and appropriate technology can provide adequate prosperity for all, and entrepreneurship and innovation should continue to make contributions and reap rewards. But the blind and relentless pursuit of "growth, change, and progress" must be abandoned as youthful folly: intelligence and wisdom must be marshalled to regulate the management and development of economic and technological systems. (d) Politically, society must find a new focus of leadership to replace that of the capitalist elite, one that is aligned with the long-term health of humanity and that embodies the wisdom and intelligence of society, not just its greed urges. Only in that way can the necessary economic and social agendas be defined and implemented coherently and successfully. Such a focus of leadership must be ultimately based in the population itself: such is democracy, and the people are the single constituency whose interests are most aligned with human welfare and happiness. (e) All avenues of significant political influence under the current global system have been co-opted by corporate/elite interests. The USA, the only nation with the power and influence to seriously modify the global system, is thoroughly dominated by elite political influence; other nations, in those cases where they are not similarly dominated directly by the elite, are severely constrained by elite/corporate domination of international trade, finance, and military power. (f) Only a major political revolution which changes the basis of leadership and power on a global scale can shift the direction of global society. In order for such a revolution to succeed, the USA must either be in the forefront or not far behind: it single-handedly has the power and influence to make or break the revolution, as its geopolitical track record over the past 50 years has amply demonstrated. (g) "Revolution" implies neither armed insurrection, nor the disruption of societal systems, nor the re-design of constitutions and governments. It requires "only" that a critical faction of today's leading national powers (including the USA) be brought under the leadership of slates of elected officials who are in alignment with the necessary new paradigms, who are dedicated to democratic principles, and who collectively bring to office coherent and comprehensive reform agendas. With the support of such an initial beachhead, the wider spread of revolutionary successes could be expected to follow rapidly. (h) For such an electoral revolution to occur, a revolution in popular consciousness must occur first: grass-roots mobilization and organization must arise on an unprecedented scale. Well-informed and and strategically-minded "movements" of majority proportions will be necessary to define adequate agendas and to achieve electoral victories. Incumbent governments and the mass media will employ all means at their disposal, overt and covert, to disrupt and neutralize organizational efforts, hence special care will be necessary in setting up the communications and leadership infrastructures of the movements. 3. The practical prospects for revolution: ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ (a) As the ravages of globalization unsettle even the Western middle classes, the objective constituency for revolutionary change approaches supra-majority proportions. By abandoning the nation state and their erstwhile political allies, the elite have left themselves vulnerable to creative and determined political opposition. As the "ladder of success" ceases to function, the trance of capitalist mythology looses its formidable grip. (b) The potential for political rebellion, based on objective economic conditions, has not escaped elite notice. As a consequence, consolidation of the globalist power grab is being pushed at a breakneck pace, adding kindling daily to the potential fires of rebellion, as well adding urgency to the need for popular response. (c) In order to manage the (already visible) growth in public discontent in the West, new elite tactics of "democracy management" are being deployed to maintain control over national politics. Instead of traditional consensus-based politics, where politician pied pipers take turns distracting the masses with "new national visions", a politics of intentional divisiveness is being pursued. Constituencies (aka special-interest groups) are becoming, in effect, mutually isolated cults (fundamentalists, environmentalists, militias, feminists, National Fronts, libertarians, etc.) - each voting negatively for the candidates least obnoxious to its minority belief system. Thus disempowered, each constituency blames others for society's ills, and the principle of divide-and-conquer is effectively applied once again by the crafty elite. (d) The undermining of respect for government, politicians, and democratic institutions has been from the beginning at the core of globalist neoliberal propaganda. Thus blame for globalization-induced social deterioration has been hung at the door of "bungling politicians" and "inefficient government". By this jujitsu maneuver, the elite have conditioned the populace to distrust the one avenue of power available to them: effective participation in the democratic process. (e) By abandoning national-consensus politics, and by nurturing cultish divisiveness, the elite have exposed another point of political vulnerability. As more and more people become open to considering "alternative" political belief systems, and as mass-media "news" falls increasingly into the same disrepute as politicians, an opportunity is opened for an inspired propaganda counter offensive. Each constituency can be targeted with customized educational outreach messages: a volatile public mind is more ready for revolutionary consciousness than is a mesmerized silent majority. 4. Principles of a democratic revolutionary strategy: ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ (a) Foremost is the necessity to focus on the creation of an ongoing instrument of popular consciousness, a grass-roots based coalition movement that embodies popular will and can act effectively and responsively to promote popular interests in the long term. The organizational structure and operational style of the coalition must be carefully designed to support this strategic democratic mission. (b) The very process by which the movement can be built up is the same process by which it can be dynamically maintained: mediation among a growing circle of constituencies, promotion of mutual education and understanding across constituency boundaries, the establishment of consensus agendas, and the negotiation of coordinated programs of policy and action. So as to maximize grass-roots responsiveness and minimize bureaucratic self-aggrandizing tendencies, the coalition itself should remain an umbrella organization of constituencies - a lean mediating agency, not a power brokerage nor an "institution". Checks-and-balances mechanisms will be necessary to guarantee on-going grass-roots orientation in coalition operations. (c) Electoral impact follows naturally as the movement gains majority proportions and can articulate a consensus societal vision. Individual candidates with competence, integrity, and dedication to the coalition agenda can be identified (or recruited) and their political campaigns endorsed. Electoral politics should not dominate the activities of the coalition or its allied constituencies: their common focus as a movement should be on organizational vitality, direct participation in societal affairs, and mutual collaboration in pursuit of a more livable world for this and future generations. Elections are a means to enable formal government to align itself with objectives already being pursued on the ground by movement members and organizations. (d) The initial attempts of the growing movement to exert political influence will involve considerable struggle against immense odds. The elite are capable, among other things, of sponsoring terrorist acts and blaming them on the movement, of engineering distracting international conflicts or domestic crises at critical political moments, and of mounting formidable and divisive demonization and harassment campaigns against leaders and specific constituencies. Divisiveness and destabilization are favorite elite tactics, and the coalition must be structured to withstand such tactics. If the reactionary counter-attack is successfully endured, the movement and its leadership will emerge from the struggle with significantly enhanced political maturity, much better prepared to participate in societal leadership. (e) The core leadership of the initial coalition organizing effort will face a comparable trial-by-fire when they first show up on elite radar: the robustness and integrity of the initial leadership effort must be insured by appropriate organizational principles, and early trials will serve to refine those principles for the greater challenges to come. (f) The first principle of democratic organizing is openness and frankness: not only is this sound democratic process, but it is disarming of elite counter measures. As Noam Chomsky has pointed out, the elite are best prepared to neutralize conspiratorial movements; they are somewhat taken aback by leaders and groups which operate publicly and honestly. Membership, discussions, policies, and plans should not only be non-secret, they should be actively publicized. If some leaders are suppressed, new ones can rise from the ranks, already informed of policies and operations. Public exposure is the safest sea for democratic revolutionary fish to swim in. (g) The second principle of organizing is more subtle and concerns the deliberative process of coalition sessions, both internal and with allied and potentially allied constituency representatives. An effective consensus-development process is necessary, and skill in facilitating such a process in sessions with diverse constituencies is essential for coalition leaders. Abalone Alliance (70s, California), Quakers, and other groups have refined such processes, and the coalition should base its approach on those techniques which have proven themselves to be effective in practice. 5. Why revolution must be pursued with extreme urgency: ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ (a) The window of opportunity for peaceful revolution is closing fast. National destabilization and disempowerment continues apace as globalist institutions continue to consolidate their power. Erosion of civil liberties proceeds in the West (eg, US "Anti-Terrorism" bill) while police are being paramilitarized and citizen surveillance becomes more pervasive. The prospects for effective democratic revolution are being systematically and intentionally foreclosed. (b) The notion that revolution must wait until "things get worse" and the "masses spontaneously arise" is one of the most dangerous traps of revolutionary thinking. "Things" are sufficiently "bad" for revolutionary organizing to begin, and as time goes by revolutionary prospects are deteriorating faster than public discontent is growing. Official propaganda is specifically designed to explain away deteriorating conditions in ways that diffuse spontaneous revolutionary consciousness and which encourage passivity. 6. How the revolution might be launched - some proposals: ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ (a) Circulation of this document among activist groups will hopefully encourage strategic revolutionary thinking and discussion, and help point the way to a productive consensus perspective. (b) If sufficient interest can be aroused among activist leaders, a leadership conference could be convened aimed at (1) adopting a draft coalition platform which could be more widely circulated for feedback, and (2) planning of follow-up organizing activities. 7. Getting the ball rolling - a proposed draft coalition platform: ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ - recognition of the nation-state as the most practical venue for (initial) democratic rejuvenation: the infrastructures are already in place and democracy is more feasible/manageable at a national rather than global scale. Still smaller units, though they may be ultimately desirable, would be too weak during the inevitable confrontation phase with international capitalism - re-assertion of national and constitutional sovereignty: repudiation of "free-trade" treaties, re-regulation of foreign exchange and corporations, balanced budget through taxation of corporations/elites - all to be implemented prudently and incrementally - comprehensive reform of the democratic process within constitutional constraints - realignment of domestic priorities around sustainable economics, general prosperity, environmental prudence, human welfare, responsive government, and citizen participation - realignment of foreign-policy priorities around defusing of tensions, radical reductions in armaments, human rights and democracy, international cooperation, forgiveness of debts created under duress, respect for sovereignty, and encouragement of local economic autonomy and self-sufficiency. ~-===================================================================-~ ------------------------------------------------------------------------ an activist discussion forum - •••@••.••• To subscribe, send any message to •••@••.••• A public service of Citizens for a Democratic Renaissance (mailto:•••@••.••• http://cyberjournal.org) Help create the Movement for a Democratic Rensaissance --- To review renaissance-network archives, send any message to: •••@••.••• ---------------------------------------------------------- To subscribe to the the cj list, which is a larger list and a more general political discussion, send any message to: •••@••.••• ----------------------------------- A community will evolve only when the people control their means of communication. -- Frantz Fanon
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