[continued...] ------------------------------------------------------------------------ Functional democracy -- is it a utopian vision? ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ So far this chapter has been an investigation into functional democracy, an attempt to identify why Western systems fail to be democratic, and an attempt to identify the processes necessary for functional democracy. In this investigation, perhaps ironically, models from sound corporate management practices have proven to be particularly useful. In this investigation, I have not simply invented models -- my goal is not to be a creative designer of societal systems. What I have tried to do is to look closely at the problems to be solved, based on the requirements of functional democracy, and to seek to identify how similar problems are routinely solved in today's societies. I have tried to follow a scientific approach: analysis followed by synthesis, with each step carefully argued and substantiated by due consideration of all relevant issues. An interesting question at this point can be asked regarding the uniqueness of the solutions that have been articulated. Are there other systems which would be equally promising or more promising, in the achievement of functional democracy? In some sense this question is difficult to answer -- who can guarantee, in any situation, that better approaches might not come along? But in another sense, I don't think there is that much room for fundamental variation in solutions to the problem of achieving functional democracy. Our citizens' test is a very strong requirement, and certain basic characteristics must be present in a society for that requirement to be satisfied: Necessary characteristics of a functional democracy ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ If a general sense of participation is to be assured to the members of society, then local communities must, as communities, have a similar sense of control over their own destiny. In order for communities to develop such a sense, the people must work together as a community in addressing the problems they face as a community. In order that the wider society include the needs of all in its problem solving, localities must work out their agendas regarding society-wide issues and those agendas must be represented at society-wide (central) collaborative sessions. It is difficult to see how functional democracy could be reliably achieved without at least the above fundamental characteristics being present in the solution. If any one of these characteristics is not in some way satisfied, there is a clear feedback problem: the information necessary to achieve functional democracy either won't be generated, or it won't be reliably delivered to where it is needed, or it won't be appropriately incorporated into societal problem solving. If indeed we have succeeded in identifying the essential and necessary characteristics of a functional democracy, several questions naturally arise. There is the question that heads this chapter: Is functional democracy itself, along with the characteristics that have been identified, utopian? Or can such systems be realistically implemented, and will they function as intended? These kinds of questions can only be answered empirically -- by testing in the real world. Fortunately, there are real-world examples we can look at, and even better, the examples are current ones. There are societies today in which the fundamental elements that have been identified above have in fact been implemented, and where very promising results have been achieved in terms of functional democracy and certification by the citizens' test. The first example is one most readers have probably never heard of, and the second example is one that most readers have heard about frequently in the mass media, but most of what they've heard has been untrue. The first example is a participatory budgeting project ("PB-POA") that has been going on since 1989 in Porto Alegre, capital city of Rio Grande do Sul, the southernmost state of Brazil. The second example is the political system of Cuba. These examples will be presented in the two following sections. Both are based on local citizen collaboration in problem solving, both have achieved remarkable results in terms of sound societal operation, and in both cases general citizen satisfaction with the system is very high. These examples demonstrate that the principles of functional democracy developed in this investigation are neither utopian nor limited to theory: the principles can be implemented, they can perform as intended, and they can achieve functional democratic governance. The claim being made in this chapter is a rather strong one: There are certain principles of democratic governance, enumerated above, that are both necessary and sufficient to achieve functional democracy, provided that the principles are appropriately implemented, and that surrounding conditions permit them to operate effectively. In other words: functional democracy is achievable, its implementation must incorporate certain essential characteristics, and those characteristics have been identified. If this claim is a valid one, then these characteristics can be of considerable value in informing a movement to overcome elite domination and move toward livable, sustainable societies. The characteristics can guide the operation of the movement itself, making it both democratic and effective at solving movement problems. And an understanding of the requirements of democracy and of sustainability informs the political agenda of the movement, so that it can focus its efforts on achieving systemic societal transformation, and avoid the pursuit of reforms which may be superficially appealing, but which do not lead to functional democracy, and hence can never overcome elite domination nor achieve sustainable societies. PB-POA -- local democracy in Brazil ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ Following the adoption of a new Federal Constitution in 1988, and spurred by the inability of the central government to provide adequate services, Brazil has experienced an unprecedented period of decentralization during the nineties. There has been a strengthening of civil society and a good deal of innovation in the development of local, participatory, democratic systems. [footnote to be provided to a paper by Zander Navarro] Of particular interest to this investigation are the experiences of the Participatory Budgeting project (PB) in Porto Alegre. In this project, community associations and other organized social sectors were mobilized to solve the problem of how to best utilize municipal funds. The project has been a considerable success in several different ways. First, the mobilization itself was successful. The level of participation has been high enough that the entire city feels itself involved in the process. Second, the problem-solving process used is collaborative and inclusive, rather than factional. Mechanisms have been developed so that city-wide policies can be harmonized from the requirements determined by the various constituencies. Third, the results for the city were outstanding. Porto Alegra has a solid record of healthy financial management, and municipal services are indeed carried out according to the democratically determined priorities. In this example, the functional democratic process occurs outside of the electoral political system. The various community organizations, and the overall PB organizing structure, have no official governmental mandate. They are institutions of the civil society, and the validity of the budget they develop arises solely from the fact that everyone knows that it expresses the will of the people generally. The elected city officials routinely accept the PB-developed budget; any other course would make little political sense. Porto Alegra is an example of what we have been calling a locality within the larger Brazilian society. Within its borders, and within the domain of budgeting, it seems fair to say that Porto Alegra has achieved a functional democracy, and one that has the essential characteristics previously identified. The system in Porto Alegra is multi-level, so it even demonstrates, in microcosm, that it is possible to harmonize problem-solving among several smaller localities by appropriate use of delegates. If Brazil as a whole employed a similar system. Porto Alegra would be well-prepared to make its contribution to problem solving in the larger society by sending a representative delegation. Some readers may be skeptical at this point, asking themselves if there is a dark side to this Brazilian story, if there are failures in this PB system. There may be some failures, but that misses the point. No system is perfect, but a system that has the basic formula right is capable of being improved over time. A system that has the basic formula wrong, as do Western democracies, can never be made right, although there are infinite opportunities for would-be reformers to expend their energy in pointless attempts. Cuba -- functional democracy on a national scale ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ I must assume that many readers, when they see the name Cuba, immediately think "dictatorship" and "refugees". To such readers it must seem absurd to cite Cuba as an exemplary democratic system. I can only say that Cuba has been the subject of decades-long disinformation campaign, particularly in the US media. The successes of socialist Cuba show the lie of capitalist rhetoric, and a defamatory media campaign has been the chosen rebuttal, along with embargoes and all other manner of harassment by the US. From sources outside the mass media one gets a quite different picture of Cuba, one that can by no means be characterized as a dictatorship. One particular observer, Charles McKelvey, has investigated Cuba's political system and discovered remarkably effective democratic processes at work. He is a Professor of Sociology at Presbyterian College, in Clinton, South Carolina, and has been to Cuba several times. He describes his experience as follows: "I have been to Cuba four times since 1993. Last summer, I was there for ten weeks, and my activities included in-depth interviews of university professors and leaders in the Popular Councils concerning the political process in Cuba. In addition, I talked to many different people that I met informally, sometimes through families with which I was connected and other times with people I met as I traveled about Havana by myself. I do not consider myself an expert on Cuba. I would describe myself as someone who is knowledgeable about Third World national liberation movements and is in the process of learning about the Cuban case. My general impression is that the revolutionary government enjoys a high degree of legitimacy among the people. Occasionally, I came across someone who was alienated from the system. There disaffection was not rooted in the political system but in the economic hardships that have emerged during the "special period." The great majority seemed to support the system and seemed very well informed about the structures of the world economy and the challenges that Cuba faces. Many defended the system with great enthusiasm and strong conviction. I had expected none of this prior to my first trip, recalling my visit to Tanzania in 1982, by which time many had come to view "ujamaa socialism" as a faded dream, at least according to my impressions during my brief visit. But to my surprise, I found much support for the revolutionary project in Cuba. I could not help but contrast this to the United States, where there is widespread cynicism in regard to political and other institutions. "The Cuban political system is based on a foundation of local elections. Each urban neighborhood and rural village and area is organized into a "circumscription," consisting generally of 1000 to 1500 voters. The circumscription meets regularly to discuss neighborhood or village problems. Each three years, the circumscription conducts elections, in which from two to eight candidates compete. The nominees are not nominated by the Communist Party or any other organizations. The nominations are made by anyone in attendance at the meetings, which generally have a participation rate of 85% to 95%. Those nominated are candidates for office without party affiliation. They do not conduct campaigns as such. A one page biography of all the candidates is widely-distributed. The nominees are generally known by the voters, since the circumscription is generally not larger than 1500 voters. If no candidate receives 50% of the votes, a run-off election is held. Those elected serve as delegates to the Popular Councils, which are intermediary structures between the circumscription and the Municipal Assembly. Those elected also serve simultaneously as delegates to the Municipal Assembly. The delegates serve in the Popular Councils and the Municipal Assemblies on a voluntary basis without pay, above and beyond their regular employment. " [source document to be noted] For those who remain skeptical regarding Cuba, I can suggest looking at some of the material in the bibliography. Especially notable are the achievements of Cuba in the areas of human rights, health care, and education. My own conclusion after reviewing material from many sources, is that McKelvey's report above can be essentially accepted at face value. On that basis, it appear that Cuba has achieved a general functional democracy at a national scale. It passes the citizens' test, and it has each of our essential characteristics: local problem solving, delegation to central bodies of agendas instead of personalities, and a collaborative, harmonizing approach to solving societal problems. Functional democracy -- how can it be achieved in the West? ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ For Western nations, the situation is comparable to Brazil: there are pre-existing electoral structures around which a functional democratic process would have to be created. In the West, then, the path to functional democracy is the path of a strong civil society. As in Brazil, local organizations need to be mobilized and frameworks need to be created so that these constituencies can collaborate in addressing local and societal issues. These structures then need to be repeated at various levels, right up to the national level. The output of this process is the development of a comprehensive policy agenda for every level of governmental policy, an agenda which has the overwhelming support of the society generally, and which includes variation in solutions depending on local needs and preferences. The role of Western elected officials, given a strong and universally supported civil society, would simply be to implement the articulated agenda, in the same way that the officials in Porto Alegre implement PB's budget. The role of an elected official becomes that of a civil servant, with a job to do; the game of power-brokering disappears and with it the professional politician. Candidates would presumably be active and recognized participants in their local civil societies, and their loyalties would be firmly in line with the consensus that had arisen from the collaborative process. The problem of achieving functional democracy in the West is not a technical one. As described above, and as exemplified in Brazil, there is no inherent reason why a strong civil society cannot be developed and operate harmoniously within existing constitutions and electoral systems. And as exemplified in Cuba, the processes of functional democracy can work effectively even when there are several intermediate levels of government involved. The problem in the West is not technical, it is motivational and organizational. Before people in the West can achieve functional democracy, they must be motivated, they must feel an urgent need to change the existing system. (It is noteworthy that both of our examples were developed only under great pressure -- the poverty of Brazil and the US enmity which confronted Cuba.) If a sense of general urgency does develop in the West, then the creation of the civil society structures will be a formidable organizing task. These observations suggest directions for the efforts of those citizens, activists, leaders, and writers who are already motivated to achieve democracy, and who would like to bring about the conditions necessary for the creation of strong civil societies. In order to generate societal motivation for change, the problem is one of public education. People need to be made aware that global capitalism is destroying our societies and that economic and social conditions are only going to get worse. They need to understand that national sovereignty is being transferred to corporate-dominated bureaucracies, and that police state laws and infrastructures are being systematically developed to control populations. They need to see that the little democracy we have in the West is being rapidly taken away, and that only a brief window of opportunity remains in which to rise up and make our democracies work. Most of all, they need to realize their own empowerment, to become aware that they have a much bigger role to play in running society than to mark a ballot every once in a while. All their lives they've been told they are a free people; it is time for them to believe it. Organizing the civil society is a task that can begin immediately, and what it amounts to is primarily a shift in perspective on the part of those activists and organizers who are already involved in the hundreds of reformist movements and citizens organizations currently in existence. Their perspective needs to be strategically informed: there can be no small victories over the capitalist system; there can only be a general victory. Activist energy must be directed toward the development of collaboration between different organizations, and the creation of the infrastructures of a civil society. Education and organizing contribute synergistically to one another. As more people become motivated, their participation strengthens existing organizations, and as organizations begin to collaborate with one another, the growing movement begins to take on the characteristics of a strong civil society. Presumably a point of critical mass will occur, a turning point, where the wider society becomes generally aware of the budding civil society. After that, the movement could be expected to grow very rapidly, and the quality and integrity of the infrastructures developed would be put to the test. In Chapter 7, the problems of movement building and public education will be investigated in more detail. For now I would like to summarize the results of this chapter's investigation: Functional democracy is achievable, and it must be based on the principles of localism, collaborative problem solving, and inclusive harmonization of all societal interests. In Western societies, the process of functional democracy can be achieved through a well-organized civil society, working within the constraints of existing constitutions and electoral systems. In order to move toward the achievement of functional democracies, people in the West need to be educated as to the dire threats posed by capitalism and globalization, and activists and organizers need to focus their attention on building the infrastructures for a democratic civil society. [end Chapter 5] ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- This material is a draft book in-progress. You are encouraged to send feedback to the author at •••@••.•••. Non-commercial forwarding is hereby authorized, in entirety, including this sig. Please keep in mind that this material is a preliminary draft, that the presentation is to be expanded, and that substantiating examples and references are to be included -- suggestions invited. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ a political discussion forum - •••@••.••• To subscribe, send any message to •••@••.••• A public service of Citizens for a Democratic Renaissance (mailto:•••@••.••• http://cyberjournal.org) ---------------------------------------------------------- To subscribe to our activists list, send any message to: •••@••.••• Help create the Movement for a Democratic Rensaissance ---------------------------------------------- crafted in Ireland by rkm ----------------------------------- A community will evolve only when the people control their means of communication. -- Frantz Fanon
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